PAS MP and Chair of the Parliamentary Committee on European Integration, Marcel Spătari, gave an interview to the FES/APE Foreign Policy Bulletin in which we discussed the progress of the European integration process. We spoke at length about the priorities of the Chișinău authorities for 2026, as well as their reform plans.

Last but not least, we addressed issues related to investment, European funds, and the authorities’ engagement with EU Member States to ensure that the Republic of Moldova remains on its European path. We invite you to read the full interview below.

What is the current state of Moldova’s European path, and where do we stand in our relationship with the European Union, given that 2025 marked the first year of implementation of the National Programme for EU Accession for 2025–2029?

We are currently in the technical negotiation phase with the European Commission. This involves direct dialogue with the Commission on the transposition of the acquis communautaire within three clusters: Cluster 1 – Fundamental Values, Cluster 2 – Internal Market, and Cluster 6 – External Relations. Several chapters fall under these clusters.

The cluster on Fundamental Values covers areas such as statistics, the judiciary, and the rule of law. Within the Internal Market cluster, discussions focus on financial control, public procurement, the internal market, the free movement of goods and capital, company law, intellectual property rights, competition policy, financial services, as well as consumer and health protection.

The cluster on External Relations covers foreign policy, security, and defence.

Technical discussions with the European Commission on these areas are therefore at a very advanced stage. This means that draft legislation transposing European law has already been submitted. We are referring to directives and regulations that have been transposed into Moldovan legislation and incorporated into the National Accession Programme (NAP).

For the other three clusters, we also have an implementation programme for the acquis communautaire—that is, all the rights and obligations arising from EU membership. We are now waiting for political negotiations to open on all six clusters so that we can accelerate the process of transposing the acquis.

At the same time, it is important to emphasise that the workload for our institutions remains unchanged. Whether we are speaking about technical or political negotiations, the difference lies mainly in political-level progress. In this respect, there is currently a blockage related to Ukraine, due to Hungary’s position. As long as the European Union identifies a solution for the Republic of Moldova, we must continue to move forward and implement the acquis communautaire in order to speed up the accession process.

Priority reforms

What are the reform priorities we need to achieve by 2026, and which areas should be our main focus?

We need to close as many chapters as possible within the clusters I have mentioned. Some chapters are more complex and will require longer-term efforts. For example, in the area of financial services, we are expected to adopt around 40 laws this year alone, which is a highly demanding task.

At the same time, there are chapters where progress can be made much more quickly, as they involve fewer legislative acts. Significant progress has already been achieved on the customs union with the European Union, and this is now clearly visible. Only two more laws in this area are scheduled to be adopted this year. In addition, there are chapters that do not require new legislation but rather the adoption of government decisions or administrative orders. These chapters do not relate exclusively to the transposition of European law, and negotiations on them can therefore be concluded more rapidly.

Overall, the government has identified around seven priority chapters for this year, and implementation efforts will be focused specifically on these areas.

How is justice reform perceived in Brussels, particularly the vetting process—the extraordinary evaluation of magistrates? I ask this because there have been public reactions to cases in which certain judges, despite apparent integrity issues, have passed the vetting process. How is justice reform viewed from Brussels’ perspective?

We must complete the vetting of judges by the end of this year. The vetting of prosecutors started later, which explains why it is less advanced, but this process also needs to be completed in due course.

Both processes are necessary, but they must be time-limited and cannot continue indefinitely. In this sense, the timetable for justice reform is aligned with the EU accession timetable.

Justice reform falls under Cluster 1 – Fundamental Values – and is closely monitored by Brussels. It will be assessed in the next EU enlargement report, scheduled for publication at the end of this year.

The Ministry of Justice will report progress indicators to the European Commission. This is, naturally, a priority for the government. At the same time, the judiciary must remain an independent branch of state power, as is inherent to a democratic system, and must be capable of self-regulation, with all the necessary tools to promote and safeguard integrity within the system. Once the vetting process is completed, these mechanisms must function autonomously within the justice system, with minimal or no political interference.

Administrative modernization

Staying with the topic of reforms, how important is administrative-territorial reform in 2026, given that local elections are scheduled for next year? How important is it that the 2027 local elections be held under a new legal framework that redraws districts and municipalities, introduces a modern, European model of local administration, and moves beyond the current Soviet-inspired structures, such as districts.

It is very important. Public administration reform is assessed by Brussels under a separate criterion within Cluster 1 – Fundamental Values.

We are currently in the public consultation phase launched by the government. After this stage, we will need to move very quickly, as the reform must be implemented at least one year before next year’s local elections. The Electoral Code requires that electoral constituencies be defined at least one year prior to the elections themselves.

Administrative-territorial reform is important not so much from an electoral perspective, but above all for strengthening the capacity of local authorities to attract and implement projects financed through European funds. Administrative territorial units must have sufficient capacity, which requires stronger and larger municipalities.

There is also a need to consolidate second level administrative-territorial units, such as the current districts, so that they become stronger, with greater administrative capacity and broader geographical coverage, enabling them to manage complex projects.

At present, European funding is allocated primarily—almost exclusively—through central government or civil society organisations. Local authorities do have access to European funds, but not directly from Brussels; instead, funding is channelled through the Government of the Republic of Moldova or other development partners.

Looking ahead, in order to access European funds directly, local authorities will need the necessary skills and expertise, and these capacities must be strengthened. This is the core objective of the administrative-territorial reform.

Currently, the Republic of Moldova has around 900 municipalities, many of which are below the minimum size required by law. Legislation allows for the establishment of an administrative-territorial unit starting from 1,500 inhabitants, yet there are numerous localities with fewer than 1,500 residents.

Spending money strategically

We are already entering the second year in which the Republic of Moldova will receive new tranches from the total EUR 1.9 billion made available by the European Union. What is the investment plan for using these funds in 2026, which areas are considered priorities, and when can we expect to see the effects and benefits of these investments?

The Growth Plan for Moldova is closely linked to a broader framework of reforms and the Reform Agenda. These are therefore two documents that must be viewed together.

The Reform Agenda includes more than 50 reforms and over 150 concrete measures, structured around seven pillars. First and foremost, it focuses on economic competitiveness and business development. Funding will support projects in areas such as digitalisation, infrastructure, and innovation, targeting businesses and the private sector.

The agenda also foresees investments in digital infrastructure, economic governance, energy efficiency, social capital, and the education and health systems, including the construction of two regional hospitals. At the same time, the Growth Plan provides for investments aimed at strengthening democracy and fundamental values, such as the rule of law and human rights.

As a result, the Growth Plan finances a wide range of sectors, and its objective is clearly reflected in its title: to stimulate economic growth.

It is important to understand that sustainable economic growth is only possible if state institutions function efficiently, if the private sector feels secure, and if it has access to a skilled and competent workforce. This is why investments must target not only the business environment, but also public services—particularly the education system, which must provide the skills required by the private sector.

There is frequent discussion about maintaining the tandem with Ukraine, but also about the possibility of decoupling the two countries at some point. What would be the plan or strategy for 2026, given that Hungary has expressed dissatisfaction with Ukraine’s progress in advancing its relationship with the European Union, and that there is a risk other Member States could also shift their position on this issue? What would be the best option for Chișinău?

Our strategy is to accelerate the implementation of the acquis communautaire in order to have convincing arguments vis-à-vis the European states. In this context, parliamentary diplomacy plays an important role. At parliamentary level, we maintain regular contacts with the parliaments of EU Member States.

I recently visited Cyprus, which holds the Presidency of the European Union this semester, where I had a bilateral meeting with the President of the Cypriot Parliament. We have also invited the chairs of European affairs committees from the Baltic and Nordic countries, as well as Poland and Germany, to visit the Republic of Moldova. At the same time, we will host visits from Greece and Romania, and we will also reach out to French speaking countries.

We are working to keep the Republic of Moldova on the agenda of European parliamentarians, as they represent the political voice of the Member States. Ultimately, the decision to open political negotiations—as well as the decision on accession—is taken by heads of state and government within the European Council, which meets twice a year.

It is important to be present in all relevant discussions and forums. From this perspective, it is more a matter of tactics than of strategy. As you can see, we are diplomatically very active.

Our message is that both accession and the opening of political negotiations must be based on merit, and that countries should advance according to their deliverables to the European Union, the level of implementation of the acquis communautaire, and the degree of preparedness for accession.

Digital integration

How do you assess the digital integration of the Republic of Moldova in relation to European systems?

One of the major challenges is the integration of the Republic of Moldova into the digital infrastructure of the European Union. For example, in the area of social security, European integration requires the interconnection of social security information systems across Member States, enabling the exchange of data on the contributions of European citizens in different countries.

This process requires an implementation period involving IT development, financial costs, and coordinated efforts across multiple sectors, as such digital integration is needed in many policy areas.

It is clear that these processes have already begun and that transitional periods are being negotiated with the European Union, which is precisely the purpose of accession negotiations. Certain elements—particularly the application of EU regulations—are non-negotiable, while other aspects may be subject to transitional arrangements.

In some cases, the implementation of interconnections between information systems can be negotiated, depending on the sector. For certain areas, there is little or no room for flexibility, while in others transitional solutions are possible. In any case, this is a complex process and by no means a simple one.

Thank you!