Romanian MEP Dragoș Tudorache, who has just finished his term as European Parliament rapporteur for the Republic of Moldova, gave an interview in Brussels to the FES/ APE foreign policy newsletter about what is next in the European path of the Republic of Moldova. We discussed about the impact of the European Parliament elections on the Republic of Moldova, about the hybrid war waged by Russia against Moldova and the related security threats as well as about Romania’s role in Moldova’s European integration process. We also talked about how reforms should be carried out in Chisinau and what the relationship with the European Commission should be. We are inviting you to read the interview in the following lines:

- Mr. Tudorache, you had the important mission in the European Parliament of being the rapporteur for the Republic of Moldova. What are your conclusions about your mandate in this capacity?

- For me, you should know that from the very beginning it was a great pleasure and honour to have this mandate. More precisely, this role of rapporteur of the European Parliament for the Republic of Moldova, because even if we could not anticipate then, at the beginning of 2019, what was going to happen - namely the entire change of the geopolitical configuration, not only of European security, but I would even say on a global level - from the very beginning we set out with the ambition to contribute as much as possible to a European option for the Republic of Moldova.

And what happened after 2019, in all these five years, from my point of view, is a success story primarily for Moldova, because some extraordinary steps have been taken on this European path that I don’t think anyone could have hoped for. I think this is due, first of all, to the Moldovan citizens. They are the ones who expressed a clear option through the political vote they gave and through the political mandate they gave the pro-European forces. Moldovan society wanted this and this is the most important thing.

And then, of course, there was the context I was referring to, in which opportunities often appear, at the political level, but which we don’t always manage to capitalise on. In these last five years, the Government in Chisinau, with the support of those who believed in Moldova’s cause, in Brussels and in other European capitals, this extraordinary path has been achieved. Therefore, I am leaving this mandate satisfied that many things have been achieved in favour of Moldova.

Collective effort for Moldova and Ukraine

- You were among the most vocal advocates of the Republic of Moldova, along with other fellow Romanian MEPs in Brussels. How much did it matter that the European interests of the Republic of Moldova were intensively promoted by the Romanian MEPs? It’s very important. It was a collective effort, not just mine. We all believed in this cause and each, through our contribution, supported and helped it.

- It is very important because the Parliament plays its political role, at least in terms of major political orientations and in the foreign policy. The European Parliament has a very important political say through the messages it gives to both the European Commission and the European Council.

It is no surprise, nor is it new, that the European Parliament as an institution has always had a more ambitious agenda than governments that have their own political limitations. But this time an alignment was achieved between what the Parliament wanted, what the European Commission also wanted and the national interests of each member state.

A lot of work was done visibly, but also behind the scenes. And often in politics or diplomacy, what happens behind the scenes is more important than what happens on the stage. Because there it was very important to be able to join the political forces, regardless of their ideology, and line up with the ambition related to Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova.

Thus, parliamentarians played an important role, each in their European political group. European governments come from all over the political spectrum and then each had to play its role in order to reach a consensus. We are talking about an essential consensus, at the European level, for all the dreams that have been brought – those regarding the recognition of the candidate country status and those regarding the opening of negotiations. This is important even now, at this moment, when the accession negotiations with Moldova and Ukraine will soon begin.

- Mr. Tudorache, how do you think the results of this June European parliamentary elections will impact the European path of the Republic of Moldova?

- I am convinced that there will be no negative impact, at least from the European Parliament. Even though we have seen that there is a change in the political configuration following the elections, it is an increase in the number of members of the European Parliament who come from parties with an agenda not necessarily of the far right, but an agenda closer to that of Moscow that the one usually promoted at European level.

But the political centre of the European Parliament remains unchanged and that is very important to understand. The strong pro-European majority which we had in the previous Parliament will be maintained also in this Parliament. The forces in the center – the EPP, the socialists and the liberals – still remain a majority that can support the election of the new Commission and the new president.

This European majority, which are carrying out negotiations these very days here in Brussels, I believe - based on the way the negotiations have already been going for a few days, namely in a good direction - will guarantee that the political options made earlier will be maintained by the European Parliament. Therefore, I do not anticipate a change of perspective in such an important matter as the relationship with the countries of the Eastern Partnership, and especially with Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova.

It is very important what is happening now. In a partnership there are two partners and the Republic of Moldova and the Moldovans also choose their political options this year and next year. That is why it is very important that Moldova maintain the same tone, the same political orientation and the same objectives so that the two partners meet halfway.

Intensification of hybrid warfare

- How do you assess the intensity of the hybrid war waged by Russia in the Republic of Moldova and should we expect a recrudescence of this hybrid war with the approach of the presidential elections and the European integration referendum that will be organized in the Republic of Moldova on October 20th?

- Unfortunately, the situation cannot improve, on the contrary. The Republic of Moldova was one of the epicentres of the hybrid war strategies that Russia deployed in the region. Not only Moldova, obviously, but Moldova was, from the very beginning, under pressure, I would say, even greater than many of its neighbours. Why? Because they relied on Moldova’s vulnerability and weaknesses that would promote Russia and the war it is waging against Ukraine.

Moldova was, from the very beginning, under hybrid attack. This has been seen in the public space at the level of disinformation, at the level of public attacks, through the social media and against Moldova’s European choice.

So it began and then continued throughout the two years of war, and I can only anticipate that it will increase with the approach of the presidential election and the referendum on EU integration.

These are very important elections for the Republic of Moldova, but also very important for Russia’s interests, namely to continue to control and undermine the countries that Russia believes, with its imperialist vision, are in its sphere of influence and interest. Unfortunately, we can expect to see a recrudescence of this type of hybrid attack in the coming months leading up to the election.

- What will the start of the first round of technical negotiations with the EU, on June 25, mean for the Republic of Moldova?

- First, it has a political symbolic value, and I would start with that. This shows that the process is already starting, it is underway, I dare say it is irreversible and from now on it is only a matter of time, of method, of meeting the criteria and obligations, of taking measures. This, I believe, is the political message and the important political symbol of the start of the negotiation process. At the administrative and technical levels, it means the moment of truth for the Government and the central authorities in Chisinau. Because now begins what is a very complicated process for which the Republic of Moldova must be as prepared as possible, as agile and alert as possible, in order to maintain a sustained pace in these negotiations. It means the promotion of many legislative packages and the adoption of acquis communautaire, but not only that. It means very important reforms at the level of all institutions.

These negotiations have technical elements in them. However, the criteria are not checked only by making laws, but important structural reforms that are not made just for the sake of the criteria, but are, first of all, beneficial to the society, the economy and the state of the Republic of Moldova. This will be a tremendous effort that the administration will have to see through to the end.

Schedule and fixed requirements

- What should be the priorities in terms of reforms for Chisinau? With which chapters of negotiations with the EU should the Republic of Moldova begin?

- There is a schedule and a structure. The negotiation methodology is fixed, clear, and the European Commission conducts it based on a predetermined calendar. It is known that there is one criterion that stands above all, namely the rule of law, which is about the health of democracy in a country.

And we see, including in some member states, when the reforms in this area are not mature enough and well established enough, there is always the risk of a setback.

Because of this, in the approach to the negotiations, this is a chapter that opens them and remains open throughout the negotiations until the end. Each state must show that it remains fully committed to respecting the rule of law and democratic criteria. There are also the most difficult reforms such as justice and the public administration reforms. These are the issues concerning the essential pillars of the state, being the most difficult reforms to achieve.

Then there are the more technical chapters, those chapters that relate to various line public policies, whether it is transport, culture or economic. I am not saying that they are simpler, but there the political effort is lower compared to the other chapters. There it is a matter of normative adoption of the rules of the acquis communautaire. But even there there are important structural reforms to be made, because the economy and the various economic sectors and their functioning depend, to a large extent, on the health of the institutions that govern them.

I don’t want to minimize the political importance of those negotiations and those chapters, but those close once, technically, the negotiations are over. Those chapters can be closed earlier, which gives access to various support tools that are very important in this journey that Moldova is starting.

The other chapters are more technical and relate to various public policies, be it transport, culture or economic. I am not saying they are simpler, but there the political effort is lower compared to the other chapters. There it is a matter of normative adoption of the rules of the acquis communautaire. But even there, there are important structural reforms to be made, because the economy and the various economic sectors and their functioning depend, to a large extent, on the health of the institutions that govern them.

I don’t want to minimize the political importance of the negotiations on those chapters, but once they are close, technically, the negotiations are over. Those chapters can be closed earlier, which gives access to various support tools that are very important in this journey that Moldova is starting.

Tangible political target

- Is European integration by 2030 a tangible and realistic target for the Republic of Moldova?

- I’d like to think so. I also said it in the public, even before the statement made by the president of the European Council, Charles Michel, that I believe that Moldova must itself assume an ambitious target – to stick to this ambitious target and somehow impose, through its own pace of progress in the negotiations, an increased pace on the other side as well, on the part of the European Commission, which will adapt.

From my experience, including from the perspective of Romania’s EU accession process, the Commission also bends, somehow, to the commitment that a candidate state maintains. If it sees that the candidate state does not have a great appetite to work intensively on the chapters, then the Commission cannot work miracles either. On the contrary, if it sees that there is will and capacity, then the Commission can bend to such a pace of negotiations. I believe that the Republic of Moldova must maintain this objective.

Moldova may even try to be destructive, in a positive way, in the way it approaches these negotiations. Moldovans must dare to come up with solutions and proposals as creative as possible in the way they approach negotiations and the approach to measures and reforms.

Moldova must prove that it can be a state whose size only gives it an advantage. The fact that the Republic of Moldova is a small state means that it is also an agile state. Let’s look, for example, at what the integration process meant for the Baltic states. They were much more agile in their reform processes compared to the larger candidate states in the 2004 accession package.

And I believe that Moldova can do the same and use its reduced size of the administration, the state and the economy, to move faster in the negotiation process and to demonstrate to the member states and the European Commission that it can be prepared for the moment of 2030.

On the other hand, the EU will have to demonstrate that this enlargement process is a political imperative. Also, this political process is not just a matter of form, but there is also political will to achieve it in concrete terms.

And then, I think Moldova has a competitive advantage here that should play to its advantage in the coming years.

Thank you!