Ion Manole, the executive director of Promo-LEX, one of the nongovernmental organizations most concerned with the Transnistrian file, gave an interview for the FES/APE foreign policy newsletter in which we discussed the about the stat of human rights in the Transnistrian region. We also talked about the degrading conditions in prisons on the left bank of the Dniester and the levers that Chisinau now has in the region. Last but not least, we discussed about the need for contingency plans for the reintegration of the country under the constitutional leadership in Chisinau. Please read the full interview below:

Secondly, according to the rulings of the European Court, all judgments or all decisions that are made by this system are illegal. From this point of view, I would not make a big difference between the prisoners who are there. We are talking about a certain number of people who are in detention in the Transnistrian region.

What do you think about the release of Anton Malyshev, who is accused of drug trafficking? And is there any chance that the persons who were imprisoned for criticizing the regime will indeed be released?

Obviously, these people who have been critical of the Tiraspol regime should have priority for the Chisinau authorities and international organizations. No one should be punishable for their opinions, even in a regime or a territory uncontrolled by the constitutional authorities and unecognized internationally.

Why should they have priority? We know only one person was released, but there are probably more. We also know about the possibility that other detainees have been released from there, but there is practically no information, because, as I was saying, no one has access to that territory - neither at the stage of examining the facts by the institutions or bodies there, nor if people needed medical assistance. It happened that the detainees urgently needed medical aid, medicines, but they did not allow to either deliver the medicines or examine the detainees.

Lack of transparency and openness

Speaking of the conditions of detention, how many detainees are there in the Transnistrian region and what is the state in which they are being held? The authorities mentioned a number of around 2,000 people. Do you agree with that?

Yes, according to the official figures that we know, there are around 1,900 to 2,000 people detained in prisons on the left bank of the Dniester. But what is noteworthy here is that the incarceration rate is the highest in Europe. It is about double the one on the right bank of the Dniester. The incarceration rate in the Transnistrian region is even higher than in the Russian Federation.

People are imprisoned for various offenses. In addition to this situation is the Tiraspol regime’s refusal to allow free access to this territory for journalists who could shed light or for human rights defenders or lawyers to go to the courts there and monitor or at least try, even according to local procedures and laws, to defend the people and victims in this territory. All this happens because the secessionist regime in Tiraspol does not allow free access to these professionals.

Do you expect any changes in the access of journalists to this region, as this is one of Chisinau’s conditions?

I believe that Chisinau could have achieved more under these conditions at the beginning of 2025, but, unfortunately, it did not succeed. We do not know why it did not succeed. We hope to have explanations from the authorities, but I regret this situation.

Partial openness towards certain TV stations and their acceptance into the grid there is not enough in my view. I think that it would be better to have free access for journalists there, who could talk freely on the street with people, could ask them certain questions and take the pulse of society in the region. Our journalists could also take part in various activities or even broadcasts by television stations retransmitted in the area, so that people can get information from alternative sources. In this way, the population on the left bank of the Dniester would be able to find out other opinions about certain situations and not just information manipulated by the Tiraspol regime.

The need for greater involvement

How do you see the state’s efforts in recent years to defend human rights in the Transnistrian region? Is there more or less interest in this respect?

The Moldovan authorities have made statements about prioritizing human rights in the region. In recent years, especially after February 2022, when the war against Ukraine started, the situation has become much more favourable for the constitutional authorities.

Judging by the declarations, we have achieved some results and I would say there is more interest now than previously. However, this is still below the level of expectations and needs of the population on the left bank of the Dniester.

Why do you think the Transnistrian region did not accept a €60 million grant that came with light conditionality from the EU to buy gas, but preferred an opaque Russian loan about which we don’t know too many details?

With reference to the Transnistrian region, we are talking about two categories of actors there.

I believe that the population would have been grateful and would have accepted that help from the European Union, only the population there does not have much of a say.

At the same time, I tend to believe that the secessionist administration in Tiraspol cannot make independent decisions or cannot always make independent decisions for the region or for the population there. I think the indications came from Moscow and they were not allowed to accept that help under any circumstances.

Stronger levers

In your opinion, does Chisinau currently have more leverage to condition Tiraspol, given that the right bank manages gas transportation to the left bank of the Dniester?

Definitely yes. However, I think that Chisinau have not thought out, constructed and conveyed well the message on the left bank of the Dniester. I believe that the central authorities should have a channel through which to address the residents of the Transnistrian region and each time explain to them exactly what is happening, what they have prepared and why they have acted in a certain way or another. Or why they have not acted when the population had expectations.

When I refer to the population on the left bank of the Dniester, I believe that the messages should be addressed both to the residents of the territory controlled by the Tiraspol administration and the population in the security zone.

Because we have seen in certain localities how easily people can be manipulated and set up against the authorities.

Plans and costs for reintegration

In addition to human rights, freedom of expression and the release of political detainees, what other priorities do you think Chisinau should insist on in its relations with Tiraspol?

We understand the concern of the authorities caused by certain risks that would arise when the Transnistrian region would somehow come out from under Moscow’s wing and would return under Chisinau. In this case, obviously, there will be very high costs for Chisinau, and I think that this is the fear of certain actors in the Republic of Moldova.

It is clear that the Republic of Moldova cannot bear these costs. Is now the right time to think about an economic plan for re-entry together with international partners?

I believe that before involving partners, we need to know what we want. As long as the authorities do not have a strategic plan and do not work on one, do not involve the relevant stakeholders, it is complicated to ask or hope that someone, even our partners, who obviously want to help us, will do the job for us.

I believe that we, the society and the authorities, need to unite our efforts, to discuss each aspect in detail, to have a very clear vision of what we do, how we do it and come up with solutions for various scenarios.

For example, if we talk about the economy, we must also start from what happened with privatization or nationalization, or with the takeover of some enterprises on the left bank of the Dniester that are very important for the country’s economy. All these issues need to be discussed, we need to weigh them up, analyse them and, why not, have a plan and a very clear understanding in society of what we are doing and under what conditions and how we act in certain situations.

Thank you!