The Deputy Prime Minister for Reintegration of the Republic of Moldova, Mr. Valeriu Chiveri, gave an interview to the FES/ APE Foreign Policy Bulletin, in which we discussed the latest developments in the Transnistrian file. The discussion focused on Chișinău’s future plans in relation to the separatist regime in Tiraspol and on how the Transnistrian file could become more important against the backdrop of peace discussions regarding Ukraine.

We also addressed the issue of human rights in the region, as well as Chișinău’s vision for resolving this frozen conflict in light of the European aspirations of the Republic of Moldova. We invite you to read the full interview:

There is a growing interest among foreign officials in the Transnistrian file. Can this phenomenon be explained by the international context in the region, including the Russian military invasion of Ukraine? What has changed to generate a greater, visible interest from Western partners regarding this issue?

You are right, there is significant interest not only from Western partners, but also from society in Chișinău and in Tiraspol. The possible explanation is, at the same time, both simple and complicated. The geostrategic situation in the region has changed dramatically since the beginning of the large-scale war in Ukraine. It is considered that there is a window of opportunity to accelerate the country’s reintegration process. This perception is, in a way, true, but the issue must be viewed from several angles.

First of all, it is a window of opportunity primarily for the European integration process, which creates for us a favourable framework to also promote the conflict settlement process, simply because the right bank has become much more attractive to citizens from the left bank of the Dniester, even if less attractive to the so-called leaders in the Transnistrian region. This attractiveness will grow as the Republic of Moldova’s European integration process advances.

This is the source of the interest, and obviously it comes in the context of discussions about a possible peace agreement in Ukraine or, at least, a ceasefire. Such a scenario could also create certain premises for the withdrawal of Russian military forces illegally stationed in the Transnistrian region.

How would you honestly describe the current state of the Transnistrian file: management, stagnation, or regression?

Personally, I have been managing this file for less than three months. Everyone expects spectacular and immediate results, but in reality, this period could not generate visible progress. Nor did we aim for such results in such a short initial stage. We did not start from zero; instead, we focused on a detailed analysis of the reintegration process and on a realistic assessment of the situation on the ground, which is very dynamic.

We continue to analyse the regional security situation and the influence of the external factors already mentioned – the Russian military presence and the war in the neighbouring country.

In addition, this period allowed us to engage in very active dialogue with international partners, to reconfirm their support for a peaceful and sustainable solution to the file. At the same time, we have kept the communication channel with Tiraspol open.

In the context of peace negotiations regarding Ukraine, is it appropriate or not to give broader exposure to the issue of resolving the Transnistrian file, so that it is better heard during this period? Do you consider it appropriate for the Transnistrian issue to be addressed more vocally in international forums?

Our position is that these are two separate, distinct processes. Ultimately, it is not yet known what the configuration of a potential peace agreement in Ukraine will be, and it may not necessarily be favourable to the reintegration process of the Republic of Moldova.

We are focusing on our own priorities, on this gradual reintegration process, as we have repeatedly mentioned. At present, the core element is gradual economic integration, which is the most advanced component of the reintegration process. It is expected to become a locomotive for reintegration in other areas as well.

Increased dependency

Is the Transnistrian region today more dependent on Chișinău or more geopolitically vulnerable than before 2022?

It is an entirely different situation compared to what we had in 2022, and even more so compared to previous years. The evolution of the situation in the Transnistrian region – from an economic and social perspective – is today fully dependent on Chișinău, including due to the fact that the Transnistrian region has practically become an island between Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova.

All commercial and economic activities are increasingly coordinated from Chișinău, including through the mandatory registration in Chișinău of all companies from the left bank of the Dniester involved in international trade activities.

As you know, the so-called customs duties have also begun to be paid. This process of economic reintegration will continue, including through legislative adjustments at the national level, to extend the common economic space across the entire territory of the country.

Difficult dialogue

What type of discussions are you currently having with representatives from Tiraspol? What are the main topics on the agenda? Do you intend to hold tête-à-tête meetings with them?

We have the established formats of communication. In the 1+1 format we have not yet had any meetings. However, there is ongoing correspondence with Tiraspol to resolve a number of issues. A 1+1 meeting is being prepared and we hope it will be organized by the end of this month.

The working groups are also active. Since I took office, three working groups were convened by the end of last year. Another working group, on environmental issues, is expected to be convened in the near future.

So there is communication at the level of, or through, the established formats. The topics are, unfortunately, older items on the discussion agenda: the issue of schools with Romanian-language instruction in the Transnistrian region, the issue of farmers and their free movement, access of journalists to the left bank of the Dniester, as well as other topics of interest to Chișinău.

At the same time, I would like to emphasize that we will shape the discussion agenda so that the topics included genuinely contribute to the country’s reintegration process. What have we done so far? We tried to resolve important but punctual issues, which did not have a major or visible impact on the overall process. We want to slightly change the perspective and, alongside these topics, also raise issues that contribute to the country’s gradual reintegration.

It has been discussed since last autumn, in Brussels, through the voice of Prime Minister Alexandru Munteanu, about a reintegration plan of the Government of the Republic of Moldova, currently under discussion with the EU and the United States. What stage is this plan at and what details can you offer us about it? When might we see it in its entirety?

Everyone is inquiring about the existence of this plan. I have explained, in certain contexts, about the possibility or impossibility of drafting such a plan.

If we are referring to a reintegration plan that would presume coordination with the authorities from the eastern districts, this is practically impossible as long as the leaders in Tiraspol do not recognize the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova. In the negotiation process there are two distinct positions: we, Chișinău, promote the country’s reintegration, while the leaders in Tiraspol speak about maintaining a status quo.

Therefore, such a plan, in the sense of a document agreed by both sides, is impossible to draft and implement at this moment. We speak, in practical terms, about a strategic vision, which will be followed by a reintegration plan and concrete actions over a fairly long period of time.

We are not speaking about half a year or one year, but about a longer horizon, since the processes are very complex. This is a difficult process and requires time, but also discretion. I would not say that such a plan is directly consulted with our partners, but they are informed about the actions we are undertaking in the context of drafting this vision. I believe that, in the not too distant future, some elements of this plan will appear in the public space through their practical implementation.

Can we still speak of Russia as a “mediator” in the Transnistrian file, or must we consider it exclusively part of the problem? Can the 5+2 negotiation format still be functional in the current context?

I can tell you, responsibly, that the 5+2 format is not functional, for obvious reasons, and looking ahead I have serious doubts that it could be revitalized. As long as Russia directly supports the regime in Tiraspol and as long as Russian military forces are illegally stationed on our territory, we cannot speak of a constructive mediating role for Moscow in the reintegration process.

Payment agent for gas, uncertain

What is the current situation regarding gas supply in the Transnistrian region? Are there, at this moment, premises for a possible crisis situation in the context of gas deliveries to the region?

Gas deliveries to the region are ensured on the basis of a less transparent and/or sustainable model. Crisis situations recur periodically, practically every 7–10 days.

We must consider the fact that the payment agent changes constantly, and the use of a new agent requires its verification by the European side, in order to determine compatibility with the sanctions policies imposed on the Russian Federation.

At present, the region is supplied with gas for the current week. The gas supplier for the Transnistrian region remains the same; what changes periodically is the payment agent for these deliveries.

As I mentioned, the left bank of the Dniester is supplied with gas until the end of this week, but in a volume that is not very large, which does not allow the operation of major industrial enterprises, such as the Rîbnița Metallurgical Plant (MMZ), the Rîbnița cement plant, or other similar companies. The gas delivered to the left bank is sufficient only for electricity production and for covering the essential needs of the population.

What is the current situation regarding human rights in the Transnistrian region? Have there been any improvements from this perspective?

Personally, I do not see significant changes in the attitude of the structures in Tiraspol regarding human rights. I can tell you that Mr. Evgheni Șevciuk, the former leader of the Transnistrian region, has helped us, in a certain sense, to open the eyes of many people, including in other capitals, regarding the real situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region, by filing a lawsuit against the Republic of Moldova and the Russian Federation for alleged violations of his own rights.

In the documents that Șevciuk and his lawyers submitted to the ECHR, it is clearly mentioned that there are no functional mechanisms for guaranteeing human rights and that these rights are constantly violated in the region on the left bank of the Dniester.

Therefore, human rights remain an important item on our agenda. We will continue to call on the support of our partners, who can and already do contribute in this regard, in order to send a clear message to the leaders in Tiraspol about the need to return to compliance with fundamental human rights standards.

Reintegration and then integration

Can the Republic of Moldova advance credibly towards the EU without a clear solution for Transnistria? Are there discussions with Brussels regarding possible European integration scenarios “with the Transnistrian file open”?

I would first of all mention that we consider the reintegration of the Transnistrian region and the accession of the Republic of Moldova to the EU as two distinct processes. The ideal scenario would be for a reintegrated Republic of Moldova to become part of the European Union.

We must acknowledge that the objective of reintegration is complex and does not depend exclusively on the efforts of the Government of the Republic of Moldova. Earlier we mentioned the Russian military presence and the war in the neighbouring country. I would also add that in Tiraspol there is no political will for this reintegration process.

We consider that the European integration process offers real opportunities for the economic and social development of the districts on the left bank of the Dniester, but at the same time it creates a less flexible framework for conducting negotiations.

We are transposing national legislation in accordance with the acquis communautaire, but as long as Tiraspol does not wish to follow the same path, we can imagine that these two processes might have different calendars and different rhythms of implementation.

We will promote the idea that Moldova’s integration into the EU could imply a suspension or temporary postponement of the implementation of the acquis communautaire on the left bank of the Dniester, until the moment when the Republic of Moldova consolidates its capacities and becomes a much more attractive country. In that context, the reintegration process could unfold in a much more active manner.

Thank you!