Women, older people, and citizens without stable employment are the groups most frequently targeted in cases of passive electoral bribery in the Republic of Moldova. This is the conclusion of an analytical report by the Centrul Parteneriat pentru Dezvoltare (CPD), which highlights a direct link between economic vulnerability and the likelihood of accepting electoral bribes.
The study, conducted with the support of UNDP Moldova in partnership with UN Women Moldova and funded by Norway, Canada, Sweden, and Denmark, analyzes more than 25,800 administrative offence reports and 77 criminal cases from the period September 2024 to August 2025.
The data show that 61.9% of those sanctioned for passive electoral corruption are women. According to the authors, a woman is about 20% more likely than a man to be drawn into such schemes.

This disparity is not explained by a higher level of involvement in illegal networks, but rather by greater socio-economic vulnerability. “Economic factors — especially the lack of a stable income — significantly increase the risk of accepting electoral bribes,” the report notes.
The dominant profile of those targeted is also clear: the average age exceeds 52, and people over 60 account for more than 38% of cases.

At the same time, more than 85% of those sanctioned do not have active employment — 57.5% are unemployed and 28.3% are pensioners. Women are overrepresented among pensioners, which makes them even more exposed to pressure or material incentives offered during election campaigns.
The report also highlights the scale of the phenomenon: more than 25,800 administrative offence reports were issued in a single year, representing around 1.1% of the country’s population.
The geographical distribution of cases shows that the phenomenon is not uniform across the country. Most reports were recorded in the northern region (39.1%), followed by the south (28.4%) and the center (17.1%). At the local level, Chișinău (15.4%) and the Autonomous Territorial Unit of Gagauzia (13.1%) account for the highest shares, followed by Bălți and Orhei. These differences may reflect both population size and the intensity of vote-buying networks, with the authors suggesting that in some areas, electoral corruption operates through more organized and systemic mechanisms.

The authors warn that in recent years, voter bribery has evolved from isolated incidents into organized systems, with hierarchical networks and the use of digital technologies to recruit and monitor voters.
The analysis also reveals shortcomings in how the judicial system handles these cases, including standardized reasoning in court decisions, inconsistencies between courts, and difficulties in ensuring the right to defense. In addition, the lack of uniform data and problems correlating administrative reports with court rulings limit a comprehensive assessment of the phenomenon.
The report’s authors recommend public policies targeted directly at the most vulnerable groups — women, people over 40, pensioners, and the unemployed. The focus should be on economic inclusion, social protection, and prevention measures tailored to these categories. “Combating electoral corruption cannot be effective without addressing the economic vulnerabilities that fuel it,” the study concludes.
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